In the video, Lee said U.S. Government policy should be similar to Nazi Germany when it comes to forcing people to take the vaccine.
Lee said health officials should go door-to-door forcing vaccines on people who are hesitant or fearful.
“Census goes door-to-door if you don’t respond. So, we have the infrastructure to do it. I mean, it’ll cost a ton of money. But I think, at that point, I think there needs to be a registry of people who aren’t vaccinated. Although that’s sounding very [much like Nazi] Germany.”
He also suggested blowing vaccine-filled darts at Black people who don’t comply.
“I think that a lot of the time — so there’s also this issue of — I remember reading about how with Covid trials, they were having an issue recruiting African American people. It was because of a different medication the government tried to do that was specifically designed to kill African Americans.”
Thousands of hate incidents against Asian people across the country have been documented by advocacy groups in the last year, ranging in severity from spittingto the unprovoked push of an 84-year-old Thai American man in San Francisco who died of his injuries a few days later. These incidents have prompted the renewal of conversations about security in Asian American neighborhoods, privilege, solidarity and even anti-Blackness in response to the violence.
That last element, activists say, devalues the decades of coalition building and allyship between Asian American and Black communities. But Russell Jeung, a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University and co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate, notes that efforts to create a racial wedge between such groups only empowers the white supremacy that makes racist violence possible.
“The racism overall against Asian Americans is another form of white supremacy. As Asian Americans dismantle the racism directed toward us as outsiders, we’re partnering with African Americans in dismantling how they’re racialized and oppressed,” Jeung said. “In a lot of Asian American issues, we become the wedge group to divide and conquer people of color rather than focusing on our unity and trying to dismantle the overall system. We need to dismantle white supremacy together.”
This is not lost on organizers and activists who have worked to combat this narrative for decades. With that, here are a few ways for people to practice solidarity and allyship with Asian American communities.
Education Is Key
It’s important to recognize how acts of hate rely on a group’s history of neglect, oppression or violence, organizers said. Through education it becomes easier to recognize bigotry as linked to a larger history of violence, said Alvina Wong, of the Asian Pacific Environmental Network.
Education is also key to resisting the “model minority” myth, and cuts down on the idea that Asian American communities are monolithic, experts point out. There are a host of disparities within these communities. For instance, Vietnamese Americans have a much higher poverty rate than Japanese Americans, according to a 2017 report.
“Try to learn history and learn about Asian American histories and cultures, the migration patterns of immigrants and refugees, and why we have an Asian population in the U.S. to begin with,” Wong said. “From there, look at the history of Asian and Black solidarity and joint struggle … the civil rights era and even the early joint labor movements. I think people could do their due diligence to seeking it out and learning it up.”
Mutual aid is a centuries-old radical political practice that emphasizes solidarity and interdependence to meet people’s basic needs. Mutual aid happens when everyday people come together to meet one another’s needs, like providing food and domestic violence resources, without relying on government power structures.
“Mutual aid is really beautiful in that it really recognizes that if I have something I can give, someone who needs it can benefit and we can all be in community together,” Wong said. “Last year, through the pandemic was a really big showing of how mutual aid is so effective, especially when our government isn’t taking care of us or investing in us and the resources that we need.”
Several mutual aid efforts have popped up across the country in response to anti-Asian sentiment and Covid-19’s devastating impact on Asian American communities. In Oakland, California, hundreds of people have volunteered to escort fearful elders on walks and errands around Chinatown. Asian and Black creatives have raised more than $150,000 for Asian American advocacy groups in California that serve several Asian American communities through everything from food delivery to legal help. In New York, a coalition of activists have filled refrigerators with food in Manhattan’s Chinatown.
“Mutual aid, at its core, is really a form of political participation. It necessitates everybody taking responsibility to care for one another. So you see a reciprocal exchange of resources and services,” said Senti Sojwal, of New York’s Asian American Feminist Collective, which has launched its Black and Asian Feminist Solidarities project. “Mutual aid is such a beautiful concept because it’s so huge.”
Get Active in Organizations
Organizing has always been key to liberation efforts for several oppressed groups, whether it be through planning solidarity marches, mutual aid efforts, or even approaching government leaders. There are several groups doing this work in Asian-American communities including the AAFC, Stop AAPI Hate, the APEN, the Chinese Progressive Association, Womankind, Filipino Cultural Center, the Southeast Asian Community Alliance, and others. Lai Wa Wu of the Chinese Progressive Association said that participating in such groups is a great way to be an active ally to Asian American communities.
“Join, support and donate to organizations that are working on the ground to build cross-racial healing and racial justice work,” Wu said, as well as “restorative practices, and for long-term economic and racial justice that lifts up all communities, especially working class communities of color, even after media attention has died down.”
Joining organizations isn’t just about the work being done, Sojwal added. It is an opportunity to be in community and build genuine relationships with the groups you’re hoping to stand with.
“You can’t love what you don’t know,” Sojwal said. “If you aren’t actually diversifying the things that you’re reading, the organizations you’re supporting, the friends you surround yourself with … you’re really doing a disservice for your own ability to expand how much you care and what you know.”
Even if becoming an official member of a group isn’t possible, Wong said providing funds and resources goes a long way. “A big part of how to be allies in this moment is advocating with us,” Wong said. This could mean helping to fund culturally competent resource centers, programs and services, Wong added.
Know That Police Aren’t Always the Answer
Experts have noted that the recent violence against Asian Americans has led to calls for increased policing. But organizers note that more state control isn’t always the answer, because further empowering police in these moments could do more harm than good.
“At these moments a lot of people’s natural reaction is to revert back to the institutions and systems they think they know and can rely on because, in many ways, they are socialized to believe it is the only way,” Wu said. “We need to redefine accountability and safety that’s rooted in empathy for ourselves and for others.”
As news of the attacks on Asian Americans made headlines, actors Daniel Dae Kim and Daniel Wu donated thousands to a reward to find the suspect in one such attack. At first glance, this may seem like a helpful move but, activists said, such rewards only affirm police power and presence and ignore the long history of violence Asian Americans have faced at the hands of police.
“Our feminism is a feminism that is against police and prisons, and we do not want to see any initiative that scapegoats Asian American communities in order to create a larger police presence,” Sojwal said. “We have seen this time and time again, South Asian and Muslim communities experience racial and religious profiling and surveillance. Police have continued to harass Asian immigrant workers … police target Asian sex workers and asylum-seekers.”
Sojwal pointed out that some celebrities calling out such violence are also co-opting “the language of anti-racist organizing to increase policing in our communities. And that’s not the future that we want to see. Our feminist response … is saying, ‘How can we amplify community care and the work our communities are already doing to keep us safe?’ “
Be a Good Bystander
“Bystander support and intervention is so important because it helps us shift our responsibility for each other towards the collective community,” Wu said. “We need people to call in strangers, community and family members on racism, slurs and stereotypes. When something happens, check in on each other as you would your own loved one. Help guide them through what they need, be there to show you care and that you are with them.”
Bystander intervention describes a situation in which a person not directly involved in an incident steps in to change the outcome. The term is largely used when discussing sexual violence, but organizers say the practice can be used in any context. Sojwal said it is also critical for bystanders to ask themselves, “What can I do instead of calling the police?”
“I think that one really important thing to do, is to respond and de-escalate instances of racism or violent attacks,” Sojwal added. “There are a lot of places that you can go to take a bystander intervention training, and actually learn the words to say, or how to get somebody to safety. And I think that’s something that we can all equip ourselves with.”
All of these efforts are part of what organizers call “political solidarity.” Sojwal said it is important to listen and see the nuance in people’s struggles while understanding that all oppression is connected.
“Solidarity depends on how we come together and is defined by how we understand and enact our responsibilities to one another,” Sojwal added. “No one says it better than Audre Lorde who says, none of us are free until all of us are free. Political solidarity also means that we are not equally affected by injustice, but what can we do together to create a world where all of our communities can thrive?”
MiAngel Cody, ContributorCriminal defense lawyer, public commentator, and constitutional law expert
1986 was an important year in the War on Melanin Possession and the Indigent (formally known as the “War on Drugs” and practically waged as the War on Black, Brown, and Poor People). Reynolds Allen Wintersmith Jr., the son of cocaine- and heroin-addicted parents, was in the sixth grade. Although his mother had moved her children six times in as many years, Wintersmith still maintained a B-plus average in his Rockford, Illinois, elementary school.
Washington, D.C., has a way of springing into action with swift anti-crime legislation when news headlines and awakened public consciousness so demand. The year 1986 was no different. The catapulting story was the unexpected death of all-American basketball standout Len Bias, who died of a cocaine overdose just days after he was selected as the second overall pick in the 1986 NBA draft. That same year Congress hastily passed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, a bipartisan legislative response to the tough-on-drugs zeitgeist. The Anti-Drug Abuse Act burgeoned a new era of harsh mandatory-minimum drug penalties. Most dramatically, the law’s 100-to-1 sentencing ratio required judges to impose the same 10-year prison sentence for both a dealer of 50 sugar-cube-sized grams of cocaine base (crack) and a supplier of 5 kilograms of cocaine powder. Mandatory-minimum penalties formulaically neutered judicial discretion, and any consideration of a defendant’s individual characteristics and life circumstances became a meaningless exercise.
But Len Bias was not the only notable drug death that year. The year 1986 also was when 11-year-old Reynolds Wintersmith discovered his mother dead of a drug overdose. In the wake of their mother’s death, Wintersmith and his younger siblings were sent to live with their grandmother, who was a caustic caregiver and well-known cocaine dealer in Rockford, Illinois. It was in his grandmother’s home that adult family members taught young Wintersmith to cook, package, and sell crack cocaine.
As is often the case for so many like him, Reynolds Wintersmith Jr. was harmed by the drug epidemic before he was ever a perpetrator of it. The year before he moved into his grandmother’s crackhouse, Wintersmith made four As, and his lowest grade was a B. The year after he moved into the house, Wintersmith made six Ds, and his highest grade was a C. His grades never improved before he dropped out of high school. And although his mother’s death, unlike Len Bias’ death, did not thrust our nation’s legislators into reactive political pandemonium, the federal drug-sentencing policies of 1986 would later impact this motherless son’s life in a most damning and undeniable way.
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When Wintersmith was 17 years old, his grandmother was sent to state prison for cocaine trafficking, leaving a house full of drug-addicted adults and children to fend for themselves. Wintersmith joined a gang and local drug ring, believing that both would support and protect him and his younger siblings. In 1993 Wintersmith and 19 others were arrested on federal drug-conspiracy charges. Wintersmith, the youngest of his co-defendants, was a first-time offender who had never been convicted of a crime. Arresting officers commented on the dirty and worn shoes on his 19-year-old feet.
In addition to Wintersmith’s arrest, the year 1993 was also when the House of Representatives sent legislative bill H.R. 3353, a measure that would have “allow[ed] grants to develop more effective programs to reduce juvenile gang participation and juvenile drug trafficking,” to the Senate.
A year later, in November 1994, President Bill Clinton lost control of the House in the midterm elections, H.R. 3353 never passed the Senate, and Wintersmith stood before a federal judge, who reluctantly told him that federal law required him, a teenage, first-time drug offender, to pay the entire balance with his freedom.
Our nation’s drug policy is fundamentally flawed, to the extent that it remains unconcerned with Wintersmith’s needs as an 11-year-old orphan of the drug epidemic and exclusively focused on his deeds as a 19-year-old drug offender. Unfortunately, for many nonviolent drug offenders like Wintersmith, a criminal case is the first and last time America pays much attention to them.
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By the time I met Wintersmith, he was a 37-year-old man who had been imprisoned for almost two decades. He had spent every single day of his adult life in prison. A lot of law had happened in 20 years. The U.S. Supreme Court had struck down the mandatory component of the federal sentencing guidelines and restored the individualized sentencing discretion that Wintersmith’s judge had longed for back in 1994. Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, a bipartisan measure that significantly reduced the 1986 Anti-Drug Abuse Act’s 100-to-1 disparity between crack and powder cocaine. And the Supreme Court declared that it is unconstitutionally cruel and unusual punishment to sentence any juvenile — even a juvenile murderer — to mandatory life without the possibility of parole. By this time it was beyond the point of legitimate debate that Wintersmith’s permanent societal banishment offended our prevailing standards of human decency. Yet every step forward in our nation’s criminal-justice consciousness over the last 20 years had failed to look back at those like Wintersmith, whose living death sentences are relics of yesterday’s unjust drug policies. By the time I met him, Wintersmith had lost every appeal. Myopic courts had rejected all his efforts to avail himself of positive changes in the law. He had even taken his case to the United States Supreme Court and lost.
A lot of life also happened in those 20 years. I was just a high-school sophomore the day Wintersmith received a mandatory life sentence. I never imagined that, someday, I would represent a person who was just four years older than I and had been sentenced to die in prison. Before we would ever meet, I had to pass algebra class; graduate from high school, college, and law school; work for two federal judges; and leave private practice to join the Chicago office of the federal defender. Our paths only randomly crossed in June 2011. I just happened to be the federal defender on call when a woman telephoned our office and asked to speak to a lawyer who could help her imprisoned childhood friend. My first reaction was that the caller had to have been mistaken about the facts of Wintersmith’s case, because only in the draconian era could a person be permanently banished from society for a nonviolent drug crime. And we are living in the post-draconian era, right? But as I dug deeper, I realized that not only was she correct about Reynolds Wintersmith’s case, but there are so many others like him still serving living death sentences for nonviolent crimes of melanin possession and indigency.
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Ultimately, we petitioned and persuaded President Barack Obama to commute Wintersmith’s life sentence. In his handwritten letter to the president asking for a chance to experience one day of freedom in his adult life, Wintersmith wrote, “The person I have become is my way of apologizing to everyone I have ever wronged.”
During his 20 years in prison, Wintersmith became a certified victim-impact counselor for the Federal Bureau of Prisons. He discovered a passion for teaching and completed a 4,100-hour apprenticeship administered through the U.S. Department of Labor. In poetic irony, he spent years teaching community-reentry classes to prisoners whose sentences were more forgiving than his own.
As a society, what have we become over the last 20 years? We have watched exponential growth in the number of human beings held by privately owned prison corporations. We failed to notice when Corrections Corporation of America, Inc., the self-described “nation’s leading provider of correctional solutions to federal, state and local government,” made nearly $2 billion annually in recent years and cautiously reported to our government that “any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or illegal immigration could affect the number of persons arrested, convicted and sentenced, thereby reducing demand for correctional facilities to house them.” We also failed to notice when CCA’s president and CEO, Damon Hininger, recently boasted to shareholders that the corporation is “well-positioned for growth opportunities” in 2014. Meanwhile, over the last 20 years, our public investment in community-based rehabilitation and vocational-training programs has dwindled, and our return on that minimal investment is unsurprisingly dismal.
During the nearly 20 years that lifer Stephanie George spent in prison before President Obama commuted her sentence, she earned her college degree. What have we done over the last 20 years? We have watched the costs of incarceration skyrocket. We now spend approximately $29,000 per year for every federally incarcerated person. We spend more money to incarcerate someone than to college-educate them.
During the nearly 20 years that lifer Billy Ray Wheelock spent in prison before President Obama commuted his sentence, he earned a business-management license. What have we done over the last 20 years? We have watched black and brown communities eroded by mass incarceration. We have witnessed the shuttering of those small businesses for which Mr. Wheelock trained in hopes of someday managing one. We have stood by catatonically as the number of first-time, low-level, and nonviolent federal drug offenders subjected to harsh mandatory minimums has doubled.
According to the ACLU, there are at least 3,278 human beings serving mandatory life sentences for nonviolent drug and property crimes in this country. America will spend over $1.7 billion to keep just those 3,278 people imprisoned for the rest of their lives. For their part, the recipients of commutations by Presidents Obama, Clinton, and George W. Bush, whom we so hastily threw away behind bars for decades, have become lawyers (Serena Nunn), social workers (Peter Ninemire), nonprofit starters (Amy Ralston Povah), business owners (De-Ann Coffman-Ames), authors (Donald Clark), community counselors (Kim Willis) and teachers (Kemba Smith). They have become the most eloquent and compelling declaration that when we fail to rehabilitate our nation’s drug offenders, we condemn ourselves as well. They are the best example of what our nation can do when, in the spirit of our collective rehabilitation, we recognize the error of yesterday’s legislative mistakes and commit to being better than we were before.
So far, just 10 prisoners have won the current administration’s commutation lottery. Inspired by President Obama’s recent promise to reinvigorate the clemency process, the imprisoned and their allies are hopeful that more mercy and reason is on the horizon. Who have we become, America? Last Friday, Rep. George Holding (R-N.C.), a former federal prosecutor, sponsored a House amendment that would defund and derail the administration’s new clemency-review process. Is that our way of reconciling with all those we have ever wronged?
With every passing day, we get to uncover the numerous evils perpetrated against Black people by the Caucasians of this world. With each new history lesson, we are shocked beyond our imagination.
Africa’s history spans beyond the slave era, back into thousands of years. We are not ignorant of the fact that we the Black continent was beautiful, glorious and noble. But as we tell our glorious stories, we must also call out and tell our young and unborn people about the wickedness that we have suffered as a race. This knowledge will inform our decision on how we interact with our oppressors.
Some of the worst atrocities that happened to our people during the slavery era, happened in the plantations. It ranged from breeding farms where male and females relatives were matched to have sex and reproduce, to the rape, murder, and killing of men, women, and children. In the plantations, the Black people who were taken into slavery were reduced below animals and suffered the worst fate known to man.
In the 18th, 19th, and 20th century, the Caribbean had large amounts of Sugar Plantations and fields. Enslaved Africans were the major source of the labor on the plantations, and they worked all day round, planting, harvesting, milling them in the sugar refineries.
The process of planting and processing sugarcane was very tedious. Many enslaved Africans died of disease, malnutrition, exhaustion or were killed by slavers who wanted to teach others a lesson.
In this particular instance, an enslaved African was unwell and could not work on the plantation. The plantation overseer would not have any of that, because he wanted more output and profit for his masters, so he decided to throw the young African into a boiling vat of sugar and pinned him down with a stick so that the sick young man could drown a bit.
The overseer’s words were: “B-t your black Eyes! what you can’t work because you’re not well? – but I’ll give you a warm bath, to cure your Ague, & a Curry-combing afterwards to put Spunk into you.”
Painting And Depiction of The Boiling Of Slaves In The Caribbean | Source: The British Museum
After boiling him on the sugar juice, the overseer brought him out and whipped him so much that it took the young enslaved African another six months to recover from the wounds and scalding on his skin.
In a debate by Wilberforce, for the abolishment of slavery on 18th April 1791, he confirmed the evil punishment of boiling slaves by saying that: “an overseer . . . threw a slave into the boiling cane juice, who died in four days; he was not punished otherwise than by replacing the slave, and being dismissed the service.”
This and many more evil was carried out on the Africans who worked on the sugar plantations. A doctor, named James Ramsay, who worked in the sugar plantations in St Kitts, made some shocking revelations as to how slaves were treated by the overseers. In a book he wrote he gave a gorry but detailed account of it all: “The ordinary punishments of slaves, for the common crimes of neglect, absence from work, eating the sugar cane, theft, are cart whipping, beating with a stick, sometimes to the breaking of bones, the chain, an iron crook about the neck… a ring about the ankle, and confinement in the dungeon. There have been instances of slitting of ears, breaking of limbs, so as to make amputation necessary, beating out of eyes, and castration… In short, in the place of decency, sympathy, morality, and religion; slavery produces cruelty and oppression. It is true, that the unfeeling application of the ordinary punishments ruins the constitution, and shortens the life of many a poor wretch.”
These devilish scenarios have continued to hunt our people till this date. Even though Black people who are alive today did not experience these atrocities directly in those days, the wickedness of Caucasians today is a vivid reminder that nothing has really changed.
Till date, Africans are still taken into slavery and treated like animals. Black people are still killed in their numbers and there is little or no justice system that fights for the right of the Black man all over the world.
Therefore, Black people must come together just like the Jews did, to reclaim their destiny and protect themselves and land against all forms of attack. It is a duty we ourselves, to stand together, or we will forever be scorned.
Slave shackles on display at the new National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington. (Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)
The history of slavery in the United States justifies reparations for African Americans, argues a recent report by a U.N.-affiliated group based in Geneva.
This conclusion was part of a study by the United Nations’ Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent, a body that reports to the international organization’s High Commissioner on Human Rights. The group of experts, which includes leading human rights lawyers from around the world, presented its findings to the United Nations Human Rights Council on Monday, pointing to the continuing link between present injustices and the dark chapters of American history.
“In particular, the legacy of colonial history, enslavement, racial subordination and segregation, racial terrorism and racial inequality in the United States remains a serious challenge, as there has been no real commitment to reparations and to truth and reconciliation for people of African descent,” the report stated. “Contemporary police killings and the trauma that they create are reminiscent of the past racial terror of lynching.”
Citing the past year’s spate of police officers killing unarmed African American men, the panel warned against “impunity for state violence,” which has created, in its words, a “human rights crisis” that “must be addressed as a matter of urgency.”
The panel drew its recommendations, which are nonbinding and unlikely to influence Washington, after a fact-finding mission in the United States in January. At the time, it hailed the strides taken to make the American criminal justice system more equitable but pointed to the corrosive legacy of the past.
“Despite substantial changes since the end of the enforcement of Jim Crow and the fight for civil rights, ideology ensuring the domination of one group over another, continues to negatively impact the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of African Americans today,” it said in a statement. “The dangerous ideology of white supremacy inhibits social cohesion amongst the US population.”
United Nations working group says U.S. owes reparations for slavery, mass incarceration(Youtube/UN Human Rights)
In its report, it specifically dwells on the extrajudicial murders that were a product of an era of white supremacy:
Lynching was a form of racial terrorism that has contributed to a legacy of racial inequality that the United States must address. Thousands of people of African descent were killed in violent public acts of racial control and domination and the perpetrators were never held accountable.
The reparations could come in a variety of forms, according to the panel, including “a formal apology, health initiatives, educational opportunities … psychological rehabilitation, technology transfer and financial support, and debt cancellation.”
Separately, a coalition of Caribbean nations is calling for reparations from their former European imperial powers for the impact of slavery, colonial genocide and the toxic racial laws that shaped life for the past two centuries in these countries. Their efforts are fitful, and so far not so fruitful.
When asked by reporters to comment on the tone of the American presidential election campaign on Monday, the working group’s chairman, Ricardo A. Sunga of the Philippines, expressed concern about “hate speech … xenophobia [and] Afrophobia” that he felt was prevalent in the campaign, although he didn’t specifically call out Republican candidate Donald Trump.
“We are very troubled that these are on the rise,” said Sunga.
Sean Carter is a Harvard-educated attorney who currently practices law in Arizona. Despite this, he fears every day for his life and the lives of his family – solely because they are black. While many people would say racism is a thing of the past, the minorities of today are opening up about the racism of today. Carter decided to share his experience receiving a package that wasn’t intended for him as an example.
“This package has been sitting outside my house for days now. Why? Because we are black. And yes, I’ll explain,” the Phoenix resident wrote.
The package was apparently addressed to a family that lived just a few blocks down the street. Carter anticipated that people online would ask why he didn’t just bring the package himself, and that is the basis for his post.
“It’s extremely unsafe to send our boys to the home of any family that we don’t know in this predominantly white neighborhood. Why? Because there is a realistic chance that one of my neighbors will see my boy as a threat and call the police or even pull a gun,” he continued.
He recommends anyone that thinks he is exaggerating to google, “Brennan Walker.” Walker is a 14-year-old high school freshman who recently was shot at by a white man after he tried to ask her for directions.
The incident happened in early April after Walker slept in by accident and had to walk to school. He lost his way and approached the house. Walker knocked on the door and found a woman in hysterics. Security footage shows that she cried out to herself, “Why did these people choose my home?” This was just after he knocked on the door.
Jeffrey Ziegler has now been charged with assault with intent to murder and a felony firearm charge according to the local news reports. He could spend the rest of his life in prison after trying to kill this young man who simply tried knocking on a neighbor’s door for help.
“I feel terrible for the young man; I feel terrible for the mom and the anxiety that they had to go through,” Oakland County Sheriff Michael Bouchard said in an interview with WJBK in Michigan. “We are going to ask for every charge permissible for this guy who stepped up and fired a shotgun because someone knocked on his door.”
In his Facebook post, Carter makes a really good point. While some white Americans may think that racism is a thing of the past, the fact is these minorities are legitimately worried about their lives. To the point that they won’t even bring a package to a neighbor – and that is not okay.
“THAT is why the f-king package will be sitting on my porch until UPS retrieves it. Because I can’t trust that my white neighbors won’t see me, a Harvard-educated lawyer (or my 14 yo honor student son) as a roaming homicidal maniac. That’s what it’s like to be black in ‘post-racial’ America,” Carter wrote.
Oscar Walters (Source: Louisville Metro Corrections)
LOUISVILLE, Ky. — Police say a man opened fire on Louisville Metro Police officers with an air rifle Thursday night, and in the ensuing scuffle, one officer was injured.
According to arrest reports, officers were called to a home on East Kenton Street, near South Brook Street, just after 6 p.m. on March 29, after someone reported that a domestic violence assault was taking place there.
When officers arrived, they spoke with the wife of 68-year-old Oscar Walters, who said her husband had attacked her with a flashlight.
Police say they could see that she had suffered some type of serious head injury after being hit on the head several times. She had to be transported to University Hospital.
At that point, police say three officers went to the front door of the home to try to talk to Walters. That’s when Walters allegedly pointed an air rifle at the officers and opened fire.
Police say the projectiles from the air rifle shattered the glass on the front door and officers had to take cover.
“Air rifles shoot a projectile at 1,000 – 1,500 feet per second,” an officer wrote in the arrest report. “They are used to hunt varmints.”
After firing the rifle, police say Walters came out of the home and they tried to take him into custody, but Walters refused to give up his hands. After a brief struggle, officers were eventually able to subdue him, but not before one of the police officers suffered a fractured right hand.
That officer was taken to Jewish Hospital. According to the arrest report, the injury will require surgery to fix.
Walters was arrested and charged with three counts of first-degree wanton endangerment of a police officer, third-degree assault of a police officer and resisting arrest. He is also charged with second-degree assault in connection with the alleged attack on his wife.
He is currently being held in Louisville Metro Corrections.
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